Dr. Vidyarthi Vikas

1oth October, 2025

Tejaswi Prasad Yadav (TPY) has been working to transform the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) into a progressive force, emphasizing job guarantees, socio-economic development, justice, and strict law and order. However, he and his team have struggled to significantly shift the narrative and connect with the masses. These gaps must be identified and addressed.

Long anticipated by his party, Yadav has emerged as the second most influential leader in the RJD. The party’s National Executive Committee (NEC-RJD) amended the RJD constitution, authorizing Yadav to make final decisions on critical matters, a move widely expected. This could mark a pivotal shift in the party’s leadership, but achieving national prominence remains challenging due to several obstacles. Although the resolution passed unanimously, signalling a strategic transition within the party—often perceived as the symbolic passing of the baton from Lalu Prasad Yadav (LPY) to his son—it still awaits broader acceptance among Bihar’s masses. As a cadre-based party, the RJD requires careful attention to its cadres, ensuring investigation, respect, and engagement.

TPY has articulated a vision and blueprint to elevate Bihar, but relying heavily on populist schemes or freebies risks being unsustainable. To establish enduring leadership, akin to Nitish Kumar (whose credibility has waned due to past actions), Tejaswi must focus on structural reforms, including employment, social security, strict law and order, quality education, universal healthcare, effective administration, robust policing, rapport with Mahagathbandhan stakeholders, image-building, narrative correction, deep-rooted confidence among party cadres, intellectual engagement, and maintaining a low profile, as exemplified by LPY.

These factors could reshape the party’s image and transform rhetoric into reality. While public discourse often focuses on post-1990s issues, addressing historical discrimination, dating back to pre-1990s or even earlier, is crucial. LPY, a towering figure in the lineage of social reformers like Buddha, successfully challenged Manuvadi ideology. The 1990s, marked by LPY’s leadership and the Mandal movement, was a turning point for marginalized communities. Data from the Mandal Commission Report (1980) reveals that backward classes (SC, ST, OBC, including EBC/MBC), constituting 85% of India’s population, held only 9.38% of Class I government jobs, highlighting the historical monopoly of upper classes. In 2025, representation in secretary-level positions and central university vice-chancellor roles remains around 5%, far below equitable levels.

The RJD’s representation in the Vidhan Sabha has increased since 2010 but remains far from absolute power. Despite high expectations, Tejaswi, effectively the party’s leader, faces structural challenges from the state president to booth-level in-charges. Cadres experience an identity deficit and lack sufficient influence, particularly non-Yadav members who are often sidelined if not connected to alternative power centers (e.g., “2T+1”). Some individuals close to the party supremo can overshadow cadres, gaining disproportionate benefits within the organization. This creates a situation akin to “no man can serve two masters” or “too many cooks spoil the broth.”

Cadres frequently express concerns that airlifted candidates should not supersede loyal members for positions like Rajya Sabha seats, leaving senior members feeling cheated. This internal discontent risks alienating both party insiders and the public, potentially leading to a loss of patience. Unifying faction-ridden state units and balancing the “old guard” with younger aspirants are additional challenges.

Ahead of the assembly election, a leadership vacuum has emerged, akin to “when the cat’s away, the mice will play.”

The state president position demands attention, despite Jagadanand Singh’s vast political and socio-economic experience and ability to maintain discipline and internal order. No alternative can match his stature. Beyond state-level officials, booth, panchayat, and block levels require strengthening. Selected MLAs should foster strong connections with subordinate cadres across caste groups and support their economic upliftment. The party should conduct a confidential survey to gauge public perceptions of sitting MLAs. Weak local leadership needs discussion and better representation of diverse social groups, particularly SC/ST, EBC, and Vaishya communities, to strengthen the party’s position.

On the social front, the RJD suffers from a “leadership deficit” and “intellectual deficit,” requiring focused attention and open discussion of public issues with internal democracy. The party’s Yadav dominance, while a strength in the short term, risks becoming a long-term liability. Members from weaker sections, including EBC, SC, and Vaishya communities, fear Yadav dominance in state power. Though not always accurate, this narrative needs review. Like Shiva consuming poison to enlighten others, the party must politically empower these groups.A consistent liaison with Mahagathbandhan parties could boost trust among Bihar’s populace.

On the development front, beyond freebies and employment, the RJD could promise strict law and order, effective policing, quality education, universal healthcare, social cohesion, robust infrastructure, promotion of micro-enterprises and tourism, APMC market development, agricultural growth, protection from forced land eviction, and rehabilitation under land acquisition policies.

The RJD’s cadres and leadership have limited engagement with Bihar’s and India’s socio-economic agendas, often relying on rhetoric rather than facts and data. The party appears to face an intellectual crisis, failing to capitalize on issues like weak law and order, the abolition of the APMC Act, high migration, poor education and health conditions, rising communal violence, increasing attacks on backward classes, inadequate reservation implementation, EWS reservation, unplanned demonetization and lockdown, unstructured GST, attacks on the Constitution, and the anti-poor National Education Policy.

Despite Tejaswi’s promise of visionary leadership, public skepticism persists. Greater effort is needed, as nothing can be taken for granted.

(Dr. Vidyarthi Vikas is an Economist and associated with A N Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna. Views expressed are solely that of the author and do not represent the organization.)